Bilingualism is Great for the Brain
By Judy Foreman
09/10/02

The most striking thing about today’s emotional debate about bilingual education is how little of it is informed by science.

To be sure, the study of bilingualism and the brain is a work in progress. Neuroscientists still don’t understand why some bilingual adults who have strokes can speak in one language afterwards, but not the other.  And they’re not positive how important it is to learn a second language as a toddler. (Very important, in all probability.) They’re still sorting out under what circumstances a second language is stored in a different part of the brain from the first.

But in recent years, especially with the advent of brain imaging tools such as PET and fMRI scans, there’s a growing consensus that growing up truly bilingual is terrific for kids’ brain development.

People who speak two languages have a “distinct advantage,” says Suzanne Flynn, a professor of linguistics and second language acquisition at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. From an early age, bilingual people are “better able to abstract information…they learn early that names of objects are arbitrary, so they deal with a level of abstraction very early.”

Granted, kids who grow up in bilingual homes may be slower than monolingual kids to acquire either language, but once they’ve learned both, they appear to have a number of intellectual advantages.

Bilingual kids, for instance, become exceptionally good at learning to “ignore misleading information,” says Ellen Bialystok, professor of psychology at York University in Toronto. Bialystok tests bilingual and monolingual 4-year olds with what she calls the “tower game,” which involves building towers with either Lego or Duplo blocks.

The Duplo blocks are just like the familiar Lego ones except that they’re roughly twice as big. Every block, regardless of its size, holds one “family,” Bialystok tells kids. The child’s task then becomes to look at a tower and say how many families it can hold. The trick is that a tower made of 7 Lego blocks is the same height as a tower made of 4 Duplos. To answer correctly the question of which tower holds more families (the Lego tower), the child has to ignore this obvious visual fact.

“By age 5, monolingual children can do this,” says Bialystok, but bilingual kids can do it at 4.  “This is the advantage of bilingualism,” in other words,  a child can focus attention and ignore distractions.

Bilingual kids also learn another useful skill – how to switch back and forth between tasks when the rules (such as the rules of a language) change, says Adele Diamond, director of the Center for Developmental Cognitive Neuroscience at the Eunice Kennedy Shriver Center Campus of the University of Massachusetts Medical School in Waltham.

Learning to adapt to a new set of rules means learning how to inhibit  – or not pay attention to – a previously-learned set, a skill that depends on development of a particular part of the brain, the prefrontal cortex, which functions in concert with other areas.

In bilingualism, says Diamond, “you are constantly having to exercise inhibition because otherwise one language would intrude. We think this puts such a heavy demand on the system that it pushes it the brain to mature earlier.”

This ability to filter out distractions and switch back and forth between tasks may give bilingual kids a leg up in school, she says.

In many studies, researchers use the Stroop test.  The child is presented with a list of colors such as red, blue, green, but the names of the colors are written in ink of a different color. For instance, the word “red” would be written in green ink. Sometimes, the rule is that the child must say the name of the color and sometimes the child must say the color of the ink instead. (Try it. I guarantee you’ll feel very dumb.) For kids who can’t yet read, Diamond use pictures of circles on a computer screen.)

Diamond then uses functional MRI scans to see which areas of the child’s brain are needed when the rules keep switching. Constant rule switching, she says, causes the brain to recruit extra neural circuits, whereas tasks that don’t involve rule witching do not.

Even in monolingual people, language processing is so central to being human that the brain devotes a huge amount of “real estate” to it, says Patricia K. Kuhl, director of the Center for Mind, Brain and Learning at the University of Washington.

For 99 percent of right-handed people, the brain processes language mostly in the left hemisphere. In left-handers, it’s often, though not always reversed. Among other things, this means that if a left-handed person needs brain surgery, it’s crucial to map where language areas are to avoid damaging them, notes neurophysiologist Susan Bookheimer at the David Geffen School of Medicine at UCLA.

Specifically, speech production is governed by Broca’s area, a small region in the left inferior frontal cortex of the brain –beneath the temple. Language comprehension, on the other hand, occurs in Wernicke’s area, which lies farther back  (Sign language, by the way, uses the same areas, as well as visual processing areas. If  a person who communicates by sign language has a stroke in Broca’s area, he may become aphasic (unable to speak) just like a person who uses oral speech.)

Getting the brain up to speed for language processing takes years. A recent imaging study by Steven Petersen, a cognitive neuroscientist at Washington University in St. Louis, showed that even in kids aged 7 to 10,  the brain was working harder at language tasks than brains of adults. That’s because “kids are still learning,” he says.

And kids who learn two languages, not surprisingly, have an even tougher challenge.

When babies are born, they are  “citizens of the world,” says Kuhl, who studies language development in babies in the US, Sweden, Japan and Russia. Newborns don’t classify sounds; they simply hear and respond (by turning their heads) to all sounds.

But over the first six months, as they become “bathed” in their native language, a baby’s brain does a kind of statistical analysis that says, in essence “This sound is important. I’d better file it away for future use.” Or, “This other sound is not important. I can forget it.”

Using computer-generated vowel sounds and sophisticated statistical analyses of babies’ responses, Kuhl has shown that by six months of age, Swedish babies and American babies “have totally different perceptions of the exact same sound” from the computer. Other researchers, including those from the University of British Columbia, have shown similar results. 

These distinctions become ingrained for life. While Japanese babies learn that there’s no meaningful difference between the sound for “L” and the sound for “R,” American babies learn there is. The result, for Japanese adults, is that it is very difficult to distinguish between “L” and “R” because the two sounds, says Kuhl, are in the same storage “bin.”

But mapping exactly where language “bins” reside is a tricky, and fascinating, business. Neuroscientist Joy Hirsch of Columbia University uses functional MRI scanning to study bilingual adults, half of whom became bilingual as toddlers and half of whom learned a second language as a young or older adult. The question was simple: “When one learns a second language, is that represented in the same area of the brain as the native language?”

Hirsch’s subjects, who spoke a variety of languages – English, Chinese, German, French, etc. – were shown a picture and were asked to describe it first in one language, then in the second language. In adults who had learned a second language early, as toddlers, electrical activity in Broca’s area looked virtually identical, regardless of which language was being used. But when people had acquired a second language later, the scans showed two separate parts of Broca’s area lighting up.

This suggests  that when the learning is early, “the brain treats multiple languages as one language…But when one learns later in life, the sorting out seems to be done more spatially,” say Hirsch, whose research has been used by both sides in the bilingual education debate.

At the Montreal Neurological Institute, Denise Klein also finds brain differences depending on when people learn a second language. Using PET scans, she has found that people who are fully bilingual in French and English use the same area of the brain as an “internal dictionary,” regardless of which language they’re speaking. By contrast, people who are not truly bilingual, that is, who learn a second language after childhood, need to recruit additional brain areas to find words in their non-native language, suggesting the brain has to work harder to do this.

Neurosurgeons, too, have documented that multiple languages can be stored in discrete  parts of the brain.

Dr. George Ojemann, a professor of neurology at the University of Washington School of Medicine in Seattle, operates on people who suffer severe epileptic seizures, some of whom are bilingual, and maps the precise location of each language.

With the patient awake and able to speak, Ojemann shows a picture of, say, a banana, and asks the patient to name it. By using very precise electrical stimulation of specific regions in the brain, Ojemann can get the patient to talk, say, in French but not English, then stimulate a nearby area and get the opposite result. Though there is some overlap, this suggests that there are “somewhat separate neuronal circuits for different languages,” says Ojemann, who has recently been able to map different languages to single neurons.

“If you have two languages, all lines of evidence show there is separate real estate for different languages” in the brain, agrees Patricia Kuhl of Washington.

So what, if anything, does all this imply for bilingual education? “We are nowhere near knowing what it implies,” she says, though researchers are trying to find out. Even though the answers are not all in, she adds, there seems to be a “great advantage” to being multilingual.

And in that case, why is there such a fuss over bilingual education?

Loraine Obler, a professor of speech and hearing sciences at the City University of New York, puts it this way: “People’s emotions are heavily invested in the language they speak. They want everyone around them to be the same. It just makes people uncomfortable to hear languages they don’t understand.”

Judy Foreman is  Lecturer on Medicine at Harvard Medical School and an affiliated  scholar  at the Women’s Studies Research Center  at Brandeis University.. Her column appears every other week. Past columns are available on www.myhealthsense.com.

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